2006 October 6: Three children were killed and five persons were wounded when a bomb exploded in the Basauti Village Development Committee area of Kailali District. April 29: Eight soldiers were killed and nine others were injured in a landmine explosion within the RNA barrack at Tamghas, the District headquarters of Gulmi. April 23: Five Maoists, one SF personnel and three civilians were killed in an attack by the Maoists on security bases in Chautara, headquarters of the Sindhupalchowk district. April 7: At least four Maoists and two civilians were killed after Maoists attacked security bases in the Butwal and Kapilavastu districts. April 5: Five police personnel and four Maoists were killed during clashes at Malangwa, headquarters of the Sarlahi district. March 30: Two SF personnel and one Maoist were killed during clashes at Bagmati checkpoint bordering the Sarlahi and Rautahat districts. March 22: Two Armed Police Force personnel and three Maoists were killed at Urlabari in the Morang district, when the latter attacked security forces escorting a vehicle that was carrying money from the Urlabari branch of Rastriya Banjiya Bank. March 21: Nine police personnel and three Maoists were killed when the latter attacked the Ilaka police post at Birtamod in Jhapa district. March 20: 13 soldiers were killed during a Maoist ambush in the Dapcha area of Kavre district March 10: Seven soldiers were killed during clashes with the Maoists in the southern part of Ilam district March 8: Two soldiers were killed and another injured when Maoists opened fire at security forces near the district postal office of Bharatpur in Chitwan district March 6: Two civilians, three security force personnel and four Maoists were killed in a Maoist attack at Ilam district headquarters. February 28: Eighteen Maoists and 11 SF personnel were killed in a clash at Panena, a bordering area between the Arghakhanchi and Palpa districts. February 27: Three SF personnel and a civilian were killed when Maoists attacked a team of troops at Kavre Bhanjyang area in the Kavrepalanchowk district. February 9: Sixteen SF personnel, four Maoists and a civilian were killed at Rambhapur area along the Sunwal-Butwal section of the Sidhhartha Highway in Nawalparasi district, when the Maoists attacked security personnel who had reached Rambhapur to remove roadblocks put up by the former. February 7: Five soldiers were killed and three sustained injuries when Maoists launched a massive attack in Dhankuta targeting the district administration office, regional administration office and all security agencies in the district. February 7: Five SF personnel and a Maoist 'section commander' were killed when Maoists attacked a patrolling team at Simaltar in the Triyuga municipality of Udayapur district. February 7: Five persons are killed when the Maoists attacked a RNA base camp and the Panauti municipality office in Kavrepalanchowk district. January 31: Eleven SF personnel and four insurgents were killed in a Maoist attack at Tansen, headquarters of the Palpa district. January 27: 11 Maoist insurgents and two SF personnel were killed in a Maoist attack on the joint security base at Hatuwagadhi in Bhojpur district. January 24: Two security force personnel, one Maoist and a civilian were killed and four SF personnel sustained injuries when Maoists launched simultaneous attacks in the Nepalgunj town of Banke district. January 20: Six police personnel were killed and four others sustained injuries when Maoists launched simultaneous attacks on the BP Chowk security check post, Jamunaha Police Post and the Customs Office in the Nepalgunj town of Banke district. January 14: Twelve soldiers are killed and eight persons sustain injuries in a series of attacks carried out by the Maoists at different police posts of the Kathmandu Valley. January 11: Seven police personnel are killed in a Maoist attack at Dhangadhi, headquarters of the Kailali district. January 6: Three Armed Police Force personnel are killed and another sustained injuries when Maoists opened fire targeting a patrol party at Bhairahawa in the Rupandehi district. January 5: Three police personnel were killed and two injured in a Maoist attack on an Armed Police Force security check-post at Ranjha chowk in Nepalgunj.
Friday, July 01, 2022
Major incidents of terrorist violence in Nepal since 1999
2006 October 6: Three children were killed and five persons were wounded when a bomb exploded in the Basauti Village Development Committee area of Kailali District. April 29: Eight soldiers were killed and nine others were injured in a landmine explosion within the RNA barrack at Tamghas, the District headquarters of Gulmi. April 23: Five Maoists, one SF personnel and three civilians were killed in an attack by the Maoists on security bases in Chautara, headquarters of the Sindhupalchowk district. April 7: At least four Maoists and two civilians were killed after Maoists attacked security bases in the Butwal and Kapilavastu districts. April 5: Five police personnel and four Maoists were killed during clashes at Malangwa, headquarters of the Sarlahi district. March 30: Two SF personnel and one Maoist were killed during clashes at Bagmati checkpoint bordering the Sarlahi and Rautahat districts. March 22: Two Armed Police Force personnel and three Maoists were killed at Urlabari in the Morang district, when the latter attacked security forces escorting a vehicle that was carrying money from the Urlabari branch of Rastriya Banjiya Bank. March 21: Nine police personnel and three Maoists were killed when the latter attacked the Ilaka police post at Birtamod in Jhapa district. March 20: 13 soldiers were killed during a Maoist ambush in the Dapcha area of Kavre district March 10: Seven soldiers were killed during clashes with the Maoists in the southern part of Ilam district March 8: Two soldiers were killed and another injured when Maoists opened fire at security forces near the district postal office of Bharatpur in Chitwan district March 6: Two civilians, three security force personnel and four Maoists were killed in a Maoist attack at Ilam district headquarters. February 28: Eighteen Maoists and 11 SF personnel were killed in a clash at Panena, a bordering area between the Arghakhanchi and Palpa districts. February 27: Three SF personnel and a civilian were killed when Maoists attacked a team of troops at Kavre Bhanjyang area in the Kavrepalanchowk district. February 9: Sixteen SF personnel, four Maoists and a civilian were killed at Rambhapur area along the Sunwal-Butwal section of the Sidhhartha Highway in Nawalparasi district, when the Maoists attacked security personnel who had reached Rambhapur to remove roadblocks put up by the former. February 7: Five soldiers were killed and three sustained injuries when Maoists launched a massive attack in Dhankuta targeting the district administration office, regional administration office and all security agencies in the district. February 7: Five SF personnel and a Maoist 'section commander' were killed when Maoists attacked a patrolling team at Simaltar in the Triyuga municipality of Udayapur district. February 7: Five persons are killed when the Maoists attacked a RNA base camp and the Panauti municipality office in Kavrepalanchowk district. January 31: Eleven SF personnel and four insurgents were killed in a Maoist attack at Tansen, headquarters of the Palpa district. January 27: 11 Maoist insurgents and two SF personnel were killed in a Maoist attack on the joint security base at Hatuwagadhi in Bhojpur district. January 24: Two security force personnel, one Maoist and a civilian were killed and four SF personnel sustained injuries when Maoists launched simultaneous attacks in the Nepalgunj town of Banke district. January 20: Six police personnel were killed and four others sustained injuries when Maoists launched simultaneous attacks on the BP Chowk security check post, Jamunaha Police Post and the Customs Office in the Nepalgunj town of Banke district. January 14: Twelve soldiers are killed and eight persons sustain injuries in a series of attacks carried out by the Maoists at different police posts of the Kathmandu Valley. January 11: Seven police personnel are killed in a Maoist attack at Dhangadhi, headquarters of the Kailali district. January 6: Three Armed Police Force personnel are killed and another sustained injuries when Maoists opened fire targeting a patrol party at Bhairahawa in the Rupandehi district. January 5: Three police personnel were killed and two injured in a Maoist attack on an Armed Police Force security check-post at Ranjha chowk in Nepalgunj.
Sunday, April 10, 2022
Naming of province a great challenge
Naming of province a great challenge
Published
On: March 4, 2018 07:30 AM NPT
By: SANTOSH POKHAREL
AND BISHAN KSHETRI
Experts suggest avoiding
ethnic influence over choice
POKHARA, Mar 4: A few days ago, Province 4 speaker Netra
Nath Adhikari informed during a formal program in Parbat that the next
provincial assembly meeting would be focused on picking the name of the
province and fixing its capital. Even though he talked for over an hour on this
topic, he did not cite any possible names though.
Among the seven provinces in the country, only Province 6 has
got its name so far. Though others have appreciated the smartness of the
province for quickly deciding an ‘appropriate’ name - Karnali, they have not
been able to come up with such an undisputable name for their provinces.
Drawing consent from every quarter and finalizing such a name has actually been
a challenge for the rest of the provinces. Adhikari indirectly indicated during
his speech that ‘picking the name is really a difficult job’.
He said that the matter has indeed been under frequent
discussion in the province. But none of the provincial assembly members have
been vocal about it. The provincial assembly meeting as mentioned by Adhikari
is set for Monday. And it is quite unlikely that the members would reach to any
consensus on this issue during the upcoming meeting. Even the members admit to
this.
The name ‘Karnali’ for Province 6 was well accepted both by the
ruling and the opposition parties. This kind of ‘safe landing’ over the issue
has set a precedent for others too, political analysts say.
According to Kapil Mani Dahal, professor of political science,
provincial assembly members should show their wisdom in narrowing down their
differences and reaching consensus over such issues by being flexible. “If
anyone pushes for the name on the basis of ethnicity, it would be unfortunate
as it will trigger further and perhaps never-ending debate,” he noted.
So, what everyone must strive for is peace and consensus, he
stressed. The name which can be owned by one and all should be chosen. For
instance, Karnali was indeed a brilliant choice.
Dahal stated that avoiding name over caste or community is
important for unity and harmony in any given area. Caste-based politics cannot
be strong. And if caste-based politics happen to take over, then the real
political agenda simply become weaker, he said.
“And now, I believe that this thing has already been understood
by the leaders. They will avoid influence of caste while naming the provinces,”
he said.
Dahal further said that a party cannot be led by caste or community. Instead,
castes or communities have to be led by political parties. “It would be no
exaggeration to say that Province 6 has set an example for all other provinces.
How well they settled the name,” he said.
According to Dahal, identity-based politics took the country in
its grip once. But, fortunately, later that simply simmered down over the
course of time. People realized that there are other important matters.
“Gurungs raised voice for Tamuwan province once. Even now, there
is a section of people who are still voicing for it. But there are other people
who are more interested in avoiding conflicts. They will settle down for the
name which will help maintain peace and harmony intact in their province,” said
Dahal.
“In fact, the caste-based names were not the demand of people in
the first hand. They only wanted development and many other basic rights and
facilities ensured. It was the leaders and parties who wanted to take advantage
from the name of castes and communities who raised such issue,” he added.
While provincial assembly members have opted to keep mum over
the matter so far, people have however taken keen interest over the matter
which is reflected in social media. While some are firmly for caste or
community-based name for the province, some others have called for flexibility
over the matter. Some of the names under discussions are Gandak, Gorkha, Dhaulagiri,
Tamuwan - Magarat, Maachhapuchre and Annapurna, among others.
According to another political analyst Surendra Thapa Magar,
Gandaki would be the best option. “Gandaki comes from Kaligandaki or
Setigandaki rivers. This might not bring dispute. We can pick name from similar
other resources we have,” he commented. He added that Nepal must take India’s
example in consideration. “If we fail to realize what caste-based politics has
done to India, we will be regretting it tomorrow,” he added.
How a State relates to a Nation and to a territory
How a State relates to a Nation and to a territory according to the phenomenological investigation of Edith Stein
State in Edith Stein’s An Investigation Concerning the state, is equivalent to sovereignty. Its chief characteristic is that it can legislate for itself. It occurs when a certain level of social organisation has been reached either by diverse persons and communities or actual or emerging ethnic communities. Stein uses the word Volk which can mean “people” or “ethnic community” or even “nation”, yet the translator Marianne Sawicki notes that Stein reserves a special meaning for the German term used to describe nation. A people develops ethnically when it possesses its own distinctive culture, that culture being an ability to reflect the whole world in its own terms and through its own self-standing. Stein finds in this cultural autonomy a highlighting of the connection between state and its people who being creative and distinct in that creativity requires a form of organisation that will legislate their own lawfulness. State, in return, requires that creativity to direct its organisational activity and to inform the content of such. Cultural autonomy then seems to be a material basis towards the right to self-legislation. Nationhood arises from the people after maturity has been reached. It occurs when the people begin to celebrate their collective life. Stein uses the term Gemeinschafts-bewuβtsein to mean consciousness of community i.e. consciousness whose object is community as distinct from the term Gemeinschaftbewuβtsein to mean community consciousness. The term “consciousness of community” is used in Stein’s description of nation. It denotes a “we” that acts and to whom things happen, where we see each other in terms of a collectivity. This “we-ness” is presupposed by state and is the basis for the state’s history as a shared history. The consciousness of community which is proper to the people is raised to reflective clarity in nation becoming an image of nation’s uniqueness. However in the people this uniqueness is not thought out but presupposed in its actions and life accomplishments. Therefore, Stein states, nation can only come from peoples and peoples tend to develop into nation. State does not depend on there being nation, yet for the sake of the resilience of the people, it is in the interest of state that national sentiment should reach a certain level. This is specified in terms the desirability of a breakout of national sentiment should the open display of peoplehood be thwarted.
The relationship of state to nation can further be understood from Stein’s criticism of Rudolf Kjellén who held that nation receives its mental content from the coalescence of state and that state then demands completion from the essence of nation. The common denominator between state and nation is the people. As state is the expression of a people’s cultural autonomy and its will for self-legislation by which it is sovereign, the people does not need to be completed. Kjellén characterises this process in terms of an analogy between ‘mind’ and ‘nature’, but Stein points out, after mentioning his lack of specification for these terms, that all community is a mental activity and that while a people has its natural basis, state does too. The inference is that the analogy between ‘mind’ and ‘nature’ lacks a basis in the actual relationship between state and nation. To conclude otherwise would be to make state in some way dependent on nation. In nation, aspects of national life are celebrated e.g. its poetry or music. A state which is bound together merely by loyalty, ties of duty and observance of the law, cannot attain to that existential authenticity that state arising out of ethnic community possesses. Kelljén has made nations equivalent to individuals bound by the aforementioned conditions of loyalty and duty to the laws. In criticising this view, Stein writes that in such a case, ethnic community would be the product of the solidarity of the laws and duties of the state and would also presuppose the state which is not true in the light of what she has elucidated concerning ethnic community. Such a state would feel hollow and ephemeral without any centre of gravity. To celebrate something is to place a value on it. In a people, individual and super-individual, unity “is attested in the uniqueness of his or her attitude towards the whole world of values, and it comes out in the coherence of all his or her works”.[1] State, however, is value-neutral. Stein writes that “As a state, the reign of Satan can be just as perfect as the reign of God”.[2] The state is not bound by any moral code. Yet, in her criticism of Kelljén, she asks should a certain type of reasonableness be ascribed to the state? Values are the prerogatives of human beings and by extension of nation whereas state is astate of affairs or a stance.
Nation doesn’t need state to exist; a
greater factor seems to be the time needed for the maturation process of the
people to take place. Yet this begs the question where state is presiding over
an immature people consisting of non-ethnic persons and communities, to what
extent would such a state of affairs arise from the will of the people? It is
difficult not to see in such circumstances and
also in circumstances such as settlements
between warring factions after civil war, that large proportions of the people do not get to
express their will but suffer imposition. There is a
tendency in Stein to present the people in
a uniform and homogenous manner, while it may
instead be the will of the majority or the
will of the stronger. National sentiment can fluctuate
and Stein has remarked that the uniqueness
pertaining to nation needs cultivation.
Cultivation implies some trends are
encouraged while other trends are not. It has been seen
that the State, as expressive of the will
of the people, can legislate against what are perceived
of as undesirable trends.
Territory, according to Stein, is a consequence of the bodily configuration or corporeality of the people belonging to it. Initially, she analyses the issue with regard to corporeality and space. The translator Marianne Sawicki notes that the word ‘Raum’, does not signify outer space but pertains to the physical world. In this regard, Stein contrasts physical and mental territory taking mind as that which has no extension in space. Perhaps it may be said that Stein may be writing about an angelic mode of existence. However, the principle remains true that such a state, composed entirely of mental persons, is conceivable. It is pertinent to the issue she has sought to examine namely in relation to Jellinek’s contention that a “portion of the surface of the earth” is a constitutive factor of State. Such a community of minds that Stein posits would be free from dependence on space in principle. Sawicki calls this a thought experiment, however Stein concludes on the basis of the fact that such a state can be conceived without logical contradiction, it follows that territory is not part of the essence of what we mean by State. Rather, she goes on to argue that, due to the bodily configuration of its people, state needs a sovereign territory in order “to secure for itself the free disposition of the mode of life of its citizens”, due to the fact that bodily existence implies space. Without such a sovereign territory a risk would exist as to whether the state as such could avoid falling into dependency on another state or not. Using the example of highly organised nomadic groups, Stein argues that the sovereign territory of a state does not always need to be formed by the same territory. Thus a sovereign territory could be comprised by a portion of the surface of the earth that is liable to change. A nomadic tribe can be recognised as a state if there is sufficient, unclaimed space available to them. The danger here is that the nomadic group, without available space, would become dependent on the state whose sovereign territory they occupied. Stein also cites the example of a people organised into a state stamped by the land. On leaving the initial territory and resettling elsewhere, she writes the concrete pattern of the state can change so much that a new state arises. She adds the caveat that this phenomenon does not disprove that a state is bound up with a territory because she is talking about specific state patterns. Stein does concede however, that there are modes of dependence between the two that as possibilities. She admits that state and territory can be linked but that linkage is to be understood in terms of the individual’s physical being, thus it is on that basis that she proceeds. That underlying principle receives its pert formulation in “The state needs the land inasmuch as the citizens need it”. Demand is related to people’s needs in terms of what demands are going to be placed on the territory of the state. Stein illustrates this principle by means of the idea of phantom beings who would need only space and light for the actuality of their visual appearances. In contradistinction to these beings who don’t rely on any material component for their unfolding, there are human beings who are in need of material quality. This material quality is to be found in the sovereign territory. Stein understands this aspect purely in terms of bodily reality. She defines economy according to its original sense when writes “economy is the organisation of the satisfaction of needs”. The land must contain such materials in sufficient quantities to the individuals who require them or materials whose conversion can satisfy that demand. The definition of economy she argues for shows the reciprocal relationship between the citizens and the land. As this fundamental relationship between the citizenry and the land obtains according to this sense of economy, Stein enumerates three possibilities that may come into action in the event of the raw materials of a land not proving sufficient for the needs of its citizens. The first possibility pertains to the finding of means to process the raw materials into consumable ones. This normally means development of an aspect of technology perhaps coupled with impetus from business and commerce. An example of such an occurrence would be the harvesting of a state-owned forest to provide for more material benefits. The second possibility is concerned with the acquisition of new territory in response to any material deficit pertaining to the land. Sawicki describes this process in terms of colonisation and annexation. The third possibility is that the required materials can be obtained from the sovereign territory of another state, yet she immediately points out that this can run the risk of dependency on the other state unless a commercial two-way factor is in play. Stein argues that there are no other alternatives hence this is the constraint that the land puts on those who live on it. Stein describes the quality of the land as “the motivational basis for the direction taken by the activity of all those who inhabit it”. The course of action chosen ultimately depends on the dispositions of the human beings who inhabit it. Conquest reflects the path taken by those who possess physical power. Intelligence and industry opts, according to Stein, for “a rational evaluation of the products of the land”, while flexibility and mental sharpness will lead to commerce. Initially, these dispositions are linked to geographical factors belonging to a territory but Stein notes that natural foundations can be completely identical, in which case personal disposition per se becomes the critical factor in determining which course of action will arise. In other words the question as to whether this disposition still depends on the nature of the land is left open. She notes that it would no longer be in the form of motivation but would be viewed from the view-point of causality. In this regard, Stein posits it as conceivable that an element or elements of material nature, obtained from local nature and being constitutive of one’s body, should exhibit an influence on one’s sentient being. Thus, in this sense, character could be said to be a product of nature. However, the psycho-physical aspects and implications of this issue cannot be expounded in the present work. Marianne Sawicki, the translator, sees in Stein’s refusal to cite any references to earlier work she had done on the subject, an indication that she intended to do further work on the issues. Stein also point to the fact of mental influence of nature upon a person, such as the influence on one’s temperament of the character of the countryside. This effect, however, is indeterminate due to the fact that the countryside may be such as it necessitates the highest activeness. This is coupled with the recognition that the very same countryside could possibly paralyse its inhabitant thus affording them no opportunity to organise themselves and leaving them prey to conquerors.
Stein argues cogently as to why the land or
sovereign territory cannot be the natural basis of the state. Her reasoning is
due to the fact that the many human activities that take place on the land in
order to produce or process raw materials submits the land to human influence,
and so, can profoundly change it. She gives examples of such processes in
irrigation and planting. It follows then, strictly speaking, that geography,
whose subject matter is the earth’s surface, is not unqualifiedly a natural
science. This is due to the fact that many lands of the earth, due to human
cultivation, can no longer be viewed as natural per se. In this regard, the earth bears all the traces and marks of
what has transpired upon it in terms of human history. Thus the appeal to
sovereign territory, as a natural basis for the state is one that is without
foundation upon analysis. Referring to the possibility of studying phenomena
such as land and population in a natural-scientific manner, Stein concedes that
both are mixed with nature on the one hand and mind on the other. She points to
the natural-scientific method of extracting nature from the matter under
investigation. Sawicki elaborates on this by pointing out the cultural and
psychological influences that determines the phenomenon of nature, and without which,
nature can’t be found. The possibility of a natural-scientific investigation
into this question of nature depends very much on such an abstractive process.
Again this mix or close relation between territory and population is
demonstrated by what Stein writes about the economic situation as it pertains
to a state. The state can be “an economic subject”, in that it can be a
decision-maker and a participator in business activities. Alternatively, it can
leave such pursuits in the hands of individuals and private groups. As an
economic subject the state makes its own of the territory. The reciprocal
nature of the relationship between territory and population is given when she
notes different territories lend different characters to the people occupying
them in the same manner the landscape itself undergoes such changes when peoples
and state formations become detached from it. Such alteration may be said to be
a direct function and also by-product of the economy of the state. If the state
refrains from becoming an economic subject, Stein argues that it may still
retain the prerogative of regulating economic activity which pertains to
legality and the enjoining of certain practices and the forbidding of others in
law.
Towards the end of the section on state and
land, Stein considers the issues relating to the demarcation of a state’s
sovereign territory. She recognises geographic unity in two senses. The first
relates to a geographical area which is capable of satisfying the population’s
needs, hence this type of unity is not to be considered independently from
human activity. However, in the second, there is no reference to human activity
and the unity of the land is comprised by its mere shape. In a further sense
such a piece of land can be called a geographic individuality. Geographical
unity in the sense Stein alludes to comes from the writings of Karl Ritter who
pioneered the view that the earth was to be seen as one, individual organism
with a particular organisation the study of which was to be the object of
geography. He also held the view that the structure of each country determined
to a large extent, the historical progress of the nation. Stein writes that if
such geographical unity or individuality is intersected by the borders of
states, both parties will demand that the natural unity be restored or that a
legal unity should take effect. This is different from the situation where the
determining factor in the demarcation of the territory is the provision of
materials for the needs of the inhabiting population. In the situation, the
state acts from a condition of pre-existing harmony. If the territory is
inadequate to the extent of needs, Stein argues, failing the possibility of
converting and exploiting the available materials, then expansion is necessary
in order to avoid becoming dependent upon another state. The natural or legal
unity desired is may be different to the unity derived from the ability to
provide for the population’s needs. Even if geographic unity is taken without
reference to human activity upon it and merely viewed from the point of view of
its shape, this can be a factor in the demarcation of a state’s territory. Should
the unity be cut through, it would prove the relation between people and
territory in that a state can be comprised of many geographic units and can,
encompass many peoples. However, owing to the fact that the people are the
natural basis for a state, should a state cut through the unity of a people, in
a manner analogous to dividing up the countryside, such a state can create an irrendenta. An irrendenta is defined as ‘unredeemed’ from the point of view of a
state who wishes to annex a territory on ethnic community grounds. A state
which creates these conditions poses a risk to itself. Stein sees in this a
renunciation of the state’s natural basis. This relationship between sovereign
territory and the people is expanded on in Stein’s brief discussion of race.
She points to the influence the land exerts on individuals with gives rise to a
physical type which she designates as race. The size of the geographical unity
determines whether such physical types will develop into a people, or several
peoples, whereas a smaller geographical unit may one support tribes. Tribes,
however, if they blend into each other can become a people. Therefore, the size
of the geographical unit is important but from the point of view of forming a
people, the community involved must be capable of reflecting the world of
values from its own self-standing. In other words, it must be a cultural
personality in its own right. Stein acknowledges the type of geographical space
that can support several peoples and that the unity that pertains to these
peoples can fall under the concept of race. The unity in this case, is given by
type. This can give rise to a mental or cultural community. Sawicki notes that
the cultural sphere is the medium through which inter-racial sharing can take
place. This sphere can extend beyond the country of racial origin and even
beyond members of a race themselves.
Nation and state differ in form in that one
is a way of viewing, a perception of a people of themselves and the conditions
and activities belonging to them whereas state is an activity of legislating
for its own lawfulness. They differ also in content where state is comprised of
civil authority and positive law whereas nation is comprised of consciousness
of community and values. It is chiefly with regard to context that the optimal
relationship between nation and state occurs when they both co-exist and the
bond between people and state is mediated through nation. The cultural aspect
within nationhood makes us more positively disposed towards the state. Thus the
relationship between state and nation is not necessary but typical. Nor is the
state dependent on its sovereign territory in that the eidos of state can allow for a non-terrestrial state, thus
sovereign territory is not essential to that eidos. A state’s jurisdiction extends to each and every one of its
borders but borders are never fixed, they are always susceptible to change
while a state founds itself in law. The relationship between state and
territory transpires more in the relationship of state to people as people, not
as state or nation. The incidence of state with sovereign territory is frequent
however. Furthermore, the relationship between state and territory can be
potentially fractious as is evidenced by Stein’s positing of the option of
territorial expansion in order to meet the needs of the state’s population.
Ominously this has undertones of the infamous argument for Lebensraum made during World War Two when Germany looked to Russia
as a suitable geographical area to pursue the satisfaction of this perceived
national need. Sawicki rightly points out that Stein does not consider the
Malthusian option. She doesn’t consider mass emigration as solution either.
Thus the possibility remains constant that a state, in its quest for additional
raw materials to satisfy its populace, can constitute a danger to other states.
Bibliography
Stein, Edith, An Investigation Concerning the State, trans. by Marianne Sawicki (ed.) (Washington Province of Recalced Carmelites Inc.: 2006)
Friday, March 25, 2022
सामाजिक न्याय र मानव अधिकारका लागि इन्सेक अभियान
सामाजिक न्याय र मानव अधिकारका लागि इन्सेक अभियान
डा. इन्दिरा श्रेष्ठ
निरङ्कुशता र विधिको शासन प्रतिकूलको राज्य व्यवस्थामा सामाजिक
न्याय र मानव अधिकार परिकल्पनाको विषयमात्र हुन सक्छ। अझ सामाजिक न्यायका लागि
गरिने पहलकदमी तथा त्यस्ता संस्थागत प्रयत्नहरू गैरकानुनी ठहर गरिन्छन्। नागरिक
प्रयत्नहरू प्रतिबन्धित हुन्छन्। २०४६ सालको परिवर्तन पूर्व नेपालमा सामाजिक न्याय, लोकतन्त्र, विधिको शासन भनिने
विषयमात्र थिए। अझ यसका लागि गरिने संस्थागत प्रयासहरू प्रतिबन्धित गरिएको थियो।
राजनीतिक दल खोल्नु र नागरिक तथा राजनीतिक अधिकारका सवालमा काम गर्नुलाई दण्डनीय
गरिएको थियो।
संस्थापकहरू खासगरी सुशील प्याकुरेल र प्रकाश काफ्लेको नेतृत्वमा
नागरिक तथा राजनीतिक अधिकार सचेतनाको अभियान लामो समयदेखि सञ्चालित थियो। काठमाडौँ
उपत्यका र मुलुकका अन्य भू–भागमा भएका विभेद, शोषण, अन्याय र अत्याचारका घटना र त्यसको
संरक्षण गर्ने नीतिगत तथा कानुनी संरचनाका विरुद्धमा सचेतनाको आवश्यकता महसुस गरी
तत्कालिन समयको चुनौती सामना गर्न ‘अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र अध्ययन केन्द्र’ नामबाट
अध्ययन समूहको आवरणमा घरेलु उद्योग विभागमा २०४५ चैत २५ गते दर्ता गरिएको संस्था
नै इन्सेकको जननीको रूपमा रहेको छ।
किनारामा परेका जनताहरूको सामाजिक सङ्गठन थिएन। राजनीतिक चेतना र
सङ्गठनको महत्व तथा आवश्यकता बोध हुन सकेको थिएन। यस्तो अवस्थामा पछाडि परेका
शोषित पीडित जनताको आवाज भएर काम गर्ने दृढताले नै अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र सेवा केन्द्र
(इन्सक) को स्थापना भएको हो। प्रारम्भमा काठमाडौँको शहरी क्षेत्रमा ठेलागाडा
चलाउने मजदुरहरूको सरोकारमा केन्द्रित इन्सेकले समयको मागसँगै आफ्नो कार्य
क्षेत्रलाई देशभर स्थापित गर्दै लग्यो।
चिनिएका अधिकारकर्मीको नाममा यस्तो दर्ता सम्भव थिएन। नाता र
परिवारभित्रका आत्मीयजनहरूको नाममा दर्ता गरेर थालिएको यो अनुसन्धान केन्द्र २०४६
सालको राजनीतिक परिवर्तनपछि मानव अधिकार सचेतनाको अभिवृद्धि, पैरवी र
जनपरिचालनमार्फत राज्यको जबाफदेहिता र प्रतिबद्धताको खबरदारी गर्न मानव अधिकार
संस्था अनौपचारिक क्षेत्र सेवा केन्द्र (इन्सेक) को रूपमा संस्था दर्ता ऐन २०३४
अनुसार दर्ता भई क्रियाशील रहेको छ।
सन् १९९२ देखि नेपाल मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तक प्रकाशन गरिरहेको यस
संस्थाले गरेको संस्थागत प्रयासको परिणाम स्वरूप नेपालको मानव अधिकार अवस्थाको
सुधारका लागि परिवर्तन, कानुनी तथा संरचनागत सुधार र संस्थागत क्रियाशीलतामा उल्लेखनीय
परिवर्तन भएका छन्।
(क) नेपालमा प्रजातन्त्र पुनःस्थापना र इन्सेक अभियानको प्रारम्भ
नेपालमा भएका राजनीतिक परिवर्तन तथा अधिकार प्राप्तिको सङ्घर्षमा
मानिसहरूलाई बलपूर्वक बेपत्ता बनाउने र त्यसप्रति जबाफदेहिताविहीन हुने संस्कृति
जस्तै बनेको देखिन्छ। २००७ सालको क्रान्ति र त्यससँग जोडिएका बेपत्ता तथा
बलप्रयोगप्रति तत्कालीन राज्यसत्ता अनुत्तरित रह्यो। दण्डहीनताको अभ्यास २०१७
पश्चातको राजनीतिक प्रणालीमा संस्थागत हुँदै गयो। २०४६ मा भएको प्रजातन्त्र
प्राप्तिको आन्दोलन, त्यसपूर्वका घटना र सम्बन्धित प्रक्रियामा बेपत्ता पारिएका
व्यक्तिहरूको अवस्था पत्ता लगाउन इन्सेकले अभियान सुरु गरेपश्चात तत्कालीन सरकारका
तर्फबाट निर्माण गरिएको समितिमा इन्सेकका तत्कालीन महासचिव प्रकाश काफ्ले मनोनित
हुनु भएको थियो। इन्सेकले गरेको प्रयास समेतले गठन भएको त्यस समितिलाई नेपालमा
जवाफदेहिता सुनिश्चित गर्न नागरिक संग्लनताको सुरुवात मान्न सकिन्छ।
संस्थापकहरू सुशील प्याकुरेल र प्रकाश काफ्लेले मानव अधिकारलाई
इन्सेकले गाउँ घरसम्म पुर्याउनुपर्ने र त्यस अभियानले मात्र जनअधिकारको आन्दोलन
सफल हुने बताउनु भएको थियो। लोकतान्त्रिक प्रणालीमा मानव अधिकारमैत्री विधिको
शासनमार्फत सुनिश्चित गर्नु पर्ने सामाजिक न्यायका लागि राज्यको जबाफदेहिताको खोजी
गर्न जागरण अभियान चलाउनेमध्ये इन्सेक एक अग्रणी अभियानको रूपमा यसले आफूलाई विकास
गरेको छ। जनताको घरदैलोमा यो आन्दोलन मानव अधिकार सचेतना फैलाउन देशभर मानव अधिकार
समूहहरू बनाउने र उनीहरूलाई त्यहीँ मानव अधिकार संस्था दर्ता गर्न लगाउने कार्यको
नेतृत्व इन्सेकले गरेको थियो। इन्सेकले नेपालमा नागरिकहरूको सङ्गठन गर्ने तथा भेला
अभिव्यक्ति स्वतन्त्रताको अभियानलाई स्थानीयकरण गर्दै ७५ जिल्लामै मानव अधिकार
संस्था गठनका लागि स्थानीय समुदायलाई सशक्तिकरणको कार्य आरम्भ गरेको थियो। सहज
समयमा संस्थाहरू खोल्नु सामान्य विषय जस्तो लागे पनि यो कार्य सामयिकताका दृष्टिले
निकै दूरगामी र महत्वपूर्ण थियो। नागरिक समाजको स्थानीयकरण, स्वीकारोक्ति र
प्रभाव सुधार गर्दै लोकतान्त्रिक प्रणालीको निरन्तरता र सुदृढीकरणमा इन्सेकले
सामाजिक संस्था निर्माणमा गरेका कार्यहरूको प्रभाव आजसम्म उल्लेखनीय रहेको छ।
नेपालमा निष्पक्ष तथा स्वतन्त्र निर्वाचनका लागि सचेतना कार्यक्रम
र निर्वाचन पर्यवेक्षण कार्यको इन्सेकले नेतृत्व लियो। २०४८ सालको निर्वाचनमा
पर्यवेक्षकहरूको समितिमा इन्सेकका महासचिव प्रकाश काफ्लेले महासचिव कै रूपमा
नेतृत्व लिनुभएको देखिन्छ। नागरिक, राजनीतिक, आर्थिक, सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक र
विषयगत सवालमा योगदान गर्न अरूसँग प्रतिस्पर्धा होइन, सहकार्यको
संस्कृतिमा विश्वास गर्ने यस संस्थाले बहिष्करणमा परेका समुदायका सवाल र
मुद्दाहरूलाई स्थापित गर्ने र अधिकार प्राप्तिका लागि समुदाय परिचालन गर्ने कार्य
गर्दै आएको छ। प्रारम्भिक कालखण्डमै इन्सेकले आफूलाई नेपालको अधिकार प्राप्तिको
अभियानमा अब्बल सामाजिक संस्थाको रूपरूपमा स्थापित गर्न सफल भएको देखिन्छ।
(ख) मानव अधिकार अनुगमन तथा अभिलेख
सामाजिक संस्थाले मानव अधिकार अनुगमन तथा अभिलेखको कार्य गर्नु
पर्ने र प्राप्त तथ्याङ्क तथा विवरणको विश्लेषण गरी अधिकार प्राप्तिको अभियान
सञ्चालन गर्नु पर्ने ठहर गर्दै सन् १९९२ देखि आफ्नो कार्यक्रममा मानव अधिकार
अभिलेखलाई संस्थागत गरेको देखिन्छ। मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घन तथा ज्यादतीको आवधिक
विवरण सङ्कलन र विश्लेषण गर्दै प्रत्येक वर्ष नेपाल मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तक
प्रकाशन गर्दै आएको इन्सेकले गर्ने यस कार्यक्रममार्फत नेपालका नागरिक संस्था तथा
राज्यका निकायहरूले मानव अधिकार संरक्षण, सम्वर्धन, परिपालना र
सम्मानमा गर्नुपर्ने कार्यक्रम, नीति, कानुन तथा संरचनागत सुधारका कार्य गर्ने प्रेरणा प्राप्त गरेका
छन्। राज्य तथा यसका अङ्ग मानव अधिकार रक्षक, नागरिक समाज, आम नागरिक तथा मानव
अधिकारका बारेमा जानकारी लिन चाहने वर्गका निमित्त यो प्रकाशन महत्वपूर्ण स्रोत
तथा सन्दर्भ सामग्रीका रूपमा रहने गरेको छ। मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घन र
ज्यादतीसम्बन्धी सम्पूर्ण घटनाको विवरण तथा तथ्य तथ्याङ्क तथा वर्षभरको मानव
अधिकार अवस्था विश्लेषण समेटेर प्रकाशन गरिने नेपाल मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तकले
राज्यको जबाफदेहिता र उसका प्रतिबद्धताप्रति निरन्तर प्रश्न उठाएको छ।
मानव अधिकारका विश्वव्यापी सिद्धान्त, नेपाल पक्ष राष्ट्र
भएका मानव अधिकारका अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सन्धि तथा अनुबन्धहरू र नेपालको संविधानलाई
इन्सेकले मानव अधिकार अनुगमन तथा प्रलेखका लागि मार्गदर्शन मानेको छ। संविधानमा
प्रत्याभूत सम्मानपूर्वक बाँच्न पाउने हक, स्वतन्त्रता, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, सामाजिक न्याय, निष्पक्ष न्यायिक
अधिकार, बाल अधिकार, महिला अधिकार, समानता, छुवाछूत तथा भेदभाव विरुद्धको हक, सामाजिक सुरक्षा, खाद्य, आवास, निवारक नजरबन्द
विरुद्धको अधिकार, यातना विरुद्धको हक लगायतका विषयमा आधारित रहेर इन्सेकले मानव
अधिकार अनुगमन तथा अभिलेख गर्छ। सुशासन, पारदर्शिता र जबाफदेहिता मानव
अधिकारमैत्री राज्यका आधारभूत सर्त हुन् भन्ने मान्यता र विश्वास इन्सेकले राख्दछ।
सामाजिक न्यायको सुनिश्चितता, लोकतन्त्र, कानुनी शासन र मानव अधिकारमैत्री नीतिगत व्यवस्था आजको आवश्यकता
हो।
जिल्ला प्रतिनिधिहरूमार्फत घटना सङ्कलन गरी प्रकाशन सुरुआत गरिएको
यस कार्यलाई आजको युग सुहाउँदो मोबाइल एप वा कम्प्युटर सफ्टवेयरमा घटना सङ्ग्रह
गर्ने व्यवस्था मिलाइएको छ र वर्ष पुस्तकलाई वितरण गर्न डिजिटल माध्यम सुनिश्चित
गरिएको छ। ३० वर्षदेखि निरन्तर नागरिकस्तरबाट प्रकाशित पुस्तकको पहिचान निर्माण
गरेको नेपाल मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तक दक्षिण एसियामा मात्र होइन, विश्वस्तरका नै
मानव अधिकार प्रलेखको महत्वपूर्ण दस्तावेजको रूपमा स्थापित भएको छ। यसका अलावा
इन्सेकले दश वर्ष लामो सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वको समयमा भएका मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घनका
घटनाको पाश्र्वचित्र तयार गरी सार्वजनिक गरेको छ। एउटा सामाजिक संस्थाले तयार
गरेको द्वन्द्वको समयको अभिलेखले न्यायको आशा गरेका पीडितको सपना सुनिश्चित गर्न
निरन्तर खबरदारी र सन्दर्भ स्रोतको काम गर्ने इन्सेकको विश्वास रहेको छ।
(ग) जातीय विभेदविरुद्ध इन्सेक
जातीय विभेदको अवस्था अनुगमन गर्न इन्सेकले २०५० सालमा उत्पीडित
जातिकै अगुवाइ तथा क्रियाशिलतामा देशव्यापी सर्वेक्षण गर्यो। छुवाछूत प्रचलनको
बाहुल्यता रहेको क्षेत्र तथा जिल्लाहरूमा पुगेर अवलोकन तथा तथ्य सङ्कलन गरियो।
सङ्कलित तथ्य र त्यसको नतिजा सन् १९९३ को मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तकमा प्रकाशन
गरियो। उक्त पुस्तकमा प्रकाशित अध्ययन सामग्रीले नेपालको दलित आन्दोलनलाई सङ्गठित
र परिचालित गर्न महत्वपूर्ण योगदान पुर्याएको अधिकारकर्मीहरूले बताउने गरेका छन्।
जातीय छुवाछूत मुक्त समाज तथा राष्ट्र निर्माणका लागि इन्सेकले
२०५४ सालमा उत्पीडित जातीय मुक्ति समाजसँगको सहकार्यमा १५ जिल्लामा दलित जातिका
निम्ति ६ महिने मानव अधिकार तथा चेतनामूलक कार्यक्रमहरू सञ्चालन गर्नुका साथै
जातीय छुवाछूत र विभेदविरूद्धको कानुनी तथा नीतिगत व्यवस्थाका लागि निरन्तर पैरवी
तथा अभियान गरेको देखिन्छ। सप्तरी, सिराहा र उदयपुर जिल्लामा रहेका मुसहर
र डोम जातिको उत्थानका लागि कार्यक्रम, दलितहरूको मन्दिर प्रवेश, सहभोज, र सामाजिक कार्यमा
नेतृत्वका लागि इन्सेकले आफ्ना अभियान सञ्चालन गरेको देखिन्छ।
नेपालको दलित अधिकार आन्दोलनमा सक्रिय योगदान पुर्याउनु भएकी
रामरतिदेवी राम र विश्वेन्द्र पासवानलाई इन्सेकले प्रकाश मानव अधिकार पुरस्कारबाट
सम्मानित गर्यो। त्यसैगरी स्वास्थ्य अधिकारको सुनिश्चितताका लागि क्रियाशील डा.
रुपचन्द्र विश्वकर्मालाई २०७७ को प्रकाश मानव अधिकार पुरस्कारबाट सम्मानित गरेर
दलित अधिकार आन्दोलनलाई थप सशक्त बनाउन योगदान गरेको छ। दलितको पहिचान र सङ्गठित परिचालनका लागि प्रारम्भमा सञ्चालन गरिएका
अभियानले निश्चित परिणाम हासिल गरेको भए पनि दलित अधिकार र गैरविभेदको
सुनिश्चितताका लागि इन्सेकले जातीय छुवाछूतविरूद्ध अझ शसक्त अभियान र सामाजिक
परिचालन गर्नुपर्ने आवश्यकता आज पनि ज्युँका त्यूँ रहेको छ।
(घ) बाधा श्रम र मुक्ति अभियानमा इन्सेक
इन्सेकले प्रकाशनहरूले जनाएअनुसार बर्दियाको मानपुर टपरा–९ बेलवामा
२००८ सालमा भएको खलिहान घेराऊ आन्दोलनमा किसान कमैयाहरूले एक हप्तासम्म खलिहान
घेराउ गरे। तत्कालीन प्रशासनको इसारामा गोली चल्दा कोइलीदेवी थारू मारिइन्। २०१७ सालमा दाङको बेलवा बञ्जारी काण्डका रूपमा चर्चिच किसान
आन्दोलनमा स्थानीय जमिन्दारको गोलीबाट किसान नेता गुमरा थारूको हत्या भयो। २०३९
सालमा बर्दिया डेउढाकला थुमनीको जमिन्दारको खलिहान कब्जा गर्न जाँदा घघवारका युवक
मोहन थारूको मृत्यु जमिन्दारले चलाएको गोलीबाट भयो। २०४८ सालमा कञ्चनपुरका
कमैयाहरूले स्वतःस्फुर्तरूपमा मुक्तिका लागि आन्दोलित भए। बर्दियाको २०४८ सालको
कमैया सुकुमवासीहरूको भूमि अधिकारका लागि कन्दरा आन्दोलनमा लाखौँ भूमिहीनहरू
सहभागी भए। यस आन्दोलनले नेपालमा सुकुमवासी र कमैया समस्यालाई सतहमा ल्याइदियो। अखिल
नेपाल किसान सङ्घलगायतका सङ्गठनहरूले गरेको आन्दोलन पनि कमैया तथा भूमिहीन
किसानहरूको अधिकारका लागि भएका प्रयासहरू थिए।
इन्सेकले आफ्नो अभियानअन्तर्गत २०४८ सालमा बर्दिया, कैलाली र
कञ्चनपुरमा विद्यमान रहेको कमैया प्रथाको बारेमा अध्ययन गरेको थियो। यस अध्ययनबाट
कमैया प्रथाभित्र बाँधापन विद्यमान रहेको र कमैया प्रथा पनि बाँधापनको जर्जर
यथार्थ रहेको तथ्य उजागर भयो। कमैया मुक्ति आन्दोलनको सारथीको रूपमा इन्सेकले
श्रृङ्खलाबद्ध अभियान चलायो।
यसैगरी, २०५० सालमा इन्सेकले कमैया बाँधाश्रम प्रणाली अन्त्यका लागि
परमादेश जारी गरिपाउँ भनी सर्वोच्च अदालतमा रिट दायर गरेको थियो। रिट दायर गरेको
पाँच वर्षपछि २०५५ सालमा आदेश जारी गर्न नपर्ने आदेश प्राप्त भयो। यो वैधानिक
लडाइँले कमैया बाँधाश्रम प्राज्ञिक बहसको विषय बन्यो। २०५२ सालमा कमैयाहरूले
नेपालगञ्जमा सम्मेलन गरी कमैया मुक्ति मञ्च गठन गरे। यो एक सङ्गठित प्रयासको
थालनीमा इन्सेक अभियानले महत्वपूर्ण सहयोगीको काम गरेको थियो। २०५२ सालदेखि नेकपा
माओवादीको नेतृत्वमा भएको सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वको क्रममा हजारौँ जमिन्दारका घर जग्गा
कब्जा हुनुका साथै भिडन्तहरू भए। कमैया मुक्ति आन्दोलनमा यसको पनि योगदान रहेको छ।
त्यसपछि सबै क्षेत्र मुख्यतया सामाजिक सङ्घसंस्थाहरूबाट निरन्तर
कमैयाहरूलाई सङ्गठित गर्ने, सचेतना जगाउने र आन्दोलित हुने क्रम जारी रह्यो। २०५३ सालमा साझा
सवालमा सँगसँगै काम गर्नका लागि सामाजिक संस्थाहरूको संयुक्त कमैया सरोकार समूह
गठन भयो। जुन समूहको अनौपचारिक पहल कमैया मुक्ति आन्दोलनलाई स्थापित गर्न सहयोगी
भयो। २०५६ सालमा कमैयाहरूले गाविसमा कमैयाहरूलाई न्यूनतम ज्यालाका लागि निवेदन
दिएर राज्यका निकायहरूलाई दबाब सिर्जना गरे। २०५७ साल वैशाख १८ गते
अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय श्रमिक दिवस (मई दिवस) को सन्दर्भ पारेर कैलाली गेटाका कमैयाहरूले
मुक्तिको खातिर गरेको विद्रोहबाट उठान भएको कमैया मुक्तिको आन्दोलनले राष्ट्रिय
रूप ग्रहण गर्यो। कमैया सरोकार समिति, कमैया मुक्ति आन्दोलन परिचालन समिति, कमैया जागरण
समितिलगायतका समूहहरूबाट पनि जोडदार पहल गरियो। राष्ट्रिय अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय दबाब
सिर्जना भएपश्चात् शेरबहादुर देउवा नेतृत्वको तत्कालीन सरकारले २०५८ साउन २ गते
कमैया मुक्तिको घोषणा गर्यो। कमैया मुक्ति आन्दोलनले बाँधापनबाट मुक्त गरे पनि
कमैयाहरू समग्र मुक्ति र अधिकारप्राप्त समुदाय बनाउने सङ्घर्षमा सामाजिक
सङ्घसंस्थाहरूको कार्यक्रम अझै जरुरी देखिन्छ।
(ङ) महिला अधिकारको सवाल र इन्सेकको योगदान
नेपालमा महिला सहभागिताको न्यून अवस्था र हिंसापीडित महिलाको
अवस्था विश्लेषण गर्दै इन्सेकले महिलाको भूमिका, अवस्था र निर्णायक तहमा सहभागिता
सुनिश्चित गर्न २०५२/५३ सालमा राष्ट्रिय महिला सम्मेलन आयोजना गर्यो। त्यस
सम्मेलन मार्फत महिला अधिकारका लागि ३३ प्रतिशत सहभागिता सुनिश्चित गर्नु पर्ने
माग अगाडि सारियो। इन्सेकले महिला अधिकारका सवालमा राजनीतिक दलमा क्रियाशील
महिलाहरू र अधिकर्मीहरूसँग छलफल तथा अभियान निरन्तर सञ्चालन गर्दै गयो। २०५४ सालको
स्थानीय निर्वाचनमा महिला आरक्षणको विषयलाई सरकारले समेट्यो। फलतः २० प्रतिशत
महिलाको आरक्षणको कानुनी प्रावधानको व्यवस्था सुरुवात भयो। इन्सेकले सुरुवात गरेको
अभियानलाई महिला अधिकारमा क्रियाशील सामाजिक संस्थाहरू र राजनीतिक महिला
सङ्गठनहरूले निरन्तर अगाडि बढाउँदै लगे। महिला अधिकारको सामाजिक अभियानले गरेको
माग अनुसार आज समाजका हरेक अङ्कमा महिलाको ३३ प्रतिशत सहभागिता सुनिश्चित भएको छ।
समानता र महिला अधिकारको नयाँ चरणमा समेत इन्सेक आफ्नो तर्फबाट योगदान गर्दै आएको
छ।
(च) नेपालमा सशस्त्र द्वन्द्व र शान्ति प्रक्रियाको अनुगमन
इन्सेकको परिचालन र संयोजनमा २०४८ सालदेखि देशभर मानव अधिकार
संस्थाहरू खुल्ने र क्रियाशील हुने क्रम चलेको थियो। सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वमा
इन्सेकसहित ती संस्थाले मानव अधिकारकर्मीका क्षेत्रमा महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निर्वाह
गरेको देखिन्छ। रुकुम, रोल्पा, जाजरकोट जस्ता जिल्लाहरूमा माओवादी द्वन्द्वभन्दा पहिलेदेखि नै
मानव अधिकारकर्मी उपस्थित भइसकेका थिए। उनीहरूले निर्वाह गरेको भूमिकाले गर्दा
अपहरणबाट मान्छेलाई मुक्त गर्ने प्रयत्नहरू सफल भएका थिए। रोल्पामा माओवादीको सिज
अभियानविरुद्ध राज्यले दमन सुरू गर्यो। यसक्रममा प्रहरीले मान्छे मार्ने क्रम
सुरु गर्यो। इन्सेकले त्यहाँ भइरहेको क्रियाकलापलाई प्राचीद्वारा उजागर गर्यो।
राज्य पक्षका संयन्त्रलाई बढी संयमित हुन आग्रह गर्यो। देशको बुहुदलीय व्यवस्थाको
प्रजातान्त्रिक आचरणअनुसार व्यवहार गर्न र अन्यपक्षलाई मानवीय कानुनप्रति जबाफदेहिहता
हुन इन्सेकले दबाब दियो।
इन्सेकले प्रकाशन गर्दै आएको नेपाल मानव अधिकार वर्ष पुस्तकले २०४८
सालको संसदीय निर्वाचनपश्चात देखिएका राजनीतिक घटनाक्रमहरूको विश्लेषण गर्दै
नेपालमा द्वन्द्वको खतरा उल्लेख गरेको थियो। नौ सिटसहित संसद्मा प्रवेश गरेको
संयुक्त जनमोर्चाले संसद्लाई ‘खसीको टाउको देखाएर कुकुरको मासु बेच्ने थलो’ हो भनी
प्रचार गरेको र तत्कालीन सरकारका तर्फबाट भएका मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घन तथा राजनीतिक
आस्थाका आधारमा गरिएका विभेदले द्वन्द्वको वातावरण तयार गर्दै गरेको थियो। संसदीय
व्यवस्थाप्रति वितृष्णा फैलाएको र संसदीय राजनीतिलाई रणनीतिक रूपमा उपयोग मात्र
गरेको देखिन्थ्यो। २०५२ माघ १६ गते तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री शेरबहादुर देउवालाई ४०
सूत्रीय मागसहितको ज्ञापनपत्र पेश पेश गर्दै २०५२ फागुन २ गतेदेखि नेपाल
कम्युनिष्ट पार्टी (माओवादी)ले नेपालमा सशस्त्र विद्रोहको घोषणा गर्दै रुकुम, रोल्पा, सल्यान र सिन्धुली
जिल्लाका प्रहरी चौकीहरूमा एकसाथ आक्रमण गरी सशस्त्र द्वन्द्व आरम्भ भएको थियो।
सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वको सुरूवाति समयमा मध्यपश्चिमका पहाडी जिल्लाहरूमा
सशक्त रहेको माओवादी द्वन्द्वको प्रभाव विस्तारै देशव्यापी बन्यो। प्रहरीका स–साना
टुकडी र चौकीहरूमा आक्रमण गरी हतियार बटुल्दै आएको माओवादीले २०५६ असोज १० गते
डोल्पा जिल्लाको सदरमुकाम दुनैमा जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालयमाथि आक्रमण गर्दा १४ जना
प्रहरीको मृत्यु भयो। २०५७ सालमा माओवादी जनविद्रोहप्रति लक्षित गरी सशस्त्र
प्रहरी सङ्गठनको निर्माण गर्यो गरी माओवादी विरुद्ध परिचालन गर्यो।
२०५८ मङ्सिर ८ गते माओवादीले तत्कालीन शाही नेपाली सेनाको दाङ
घोराहीस्थित व्यारेकमा आक्रमण गर्यो। सो घटनामा १४ जना सैनिक मारिए। त्यस घटनामा
माओवादीले ब्यारेकमा रहेका हतियारसमेत सबै हतियार लुटेर लगेका थिए। दाङ घटनापश्चात
मुलुकमा सङ्कटकालीन अवस्थाको घोषणा भयो। मृत्यु, सम्पति कब्जा, अङ्गभङ्ग, बलपूर्वक बेपत्ता
पार्ने घटना, जबरजस्ती चन्दालगायतका घटनाहरू सतहमा आए। माओवादी समस्या समाधानका
लागि भन्दै अझ कठोर सशस्त्र कारबाहीहरू हुन थाले। स्वतन्त्र प्रेसमाथि अङ्कुश लगाइयो।
टेलिफोन सेवाहरू अवरुद्ध गरिए।
सरकार र विद्रोहीका तर्फबाट भएका घटनाहरू को अनुगमन गर्ने, नागरिकको जीवन
रक्षाका लागि अधिकतम प्रयत्न गर्ने, आवश्यकता तथा जरुरतका आधारमा
मध्यस्थता गर्ने र समग्र मानव अधिकार रक्षाका लागि इन्सेकले महत्वपूर्ण योगदान
गरेको छ। नागरिक अधिकार र मानव अधिकार शिक्षाको अभियान चलाउँदै आएको इन्सेकले
माओवादी द्वन्द्वसँगै बदलिँदै गएको देशको अवस्थालाई मध्यनजर गरी आफ्नो कामको
प्राथमिकतालाई समयसापेक्षरूपमा परिवर्तन गर्दै आयो। सशस्त्र माओवादी विद्रोह र
विद्रोहलाई दबाउने नाममा सरकारबाट भएको कारबाहीले युद्धमा भाग नलिएका निर्दोष
सर्वसाधरणहरूको हत्या, बेपत्ता, यातना, लुटपाट, विस्थापनजस्ता युद्ध आपराधिक क्रियाकलापहरू हुन लागेपछि इन्सेकले
द्वन्द्वरत पक्षहरूलाई युद्धका आधारभूत नियमहरूको सम्मान गर्न दबाब र जागरणको
अभियान चलायो। कतिपय अवस्थामा प्रत्यक्षरूपमा र कतिपय अवस्थामा आफ्ना प्रकाशन र
प्रशारणहरूमार्फत द्वन्द्वरत पक्षहरूलाई जेनेभा महासन्धि, अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय
मानवीय कानुन, मानव अधिकारका विश्वव्यापी मान्यता, युद्धका सीमाहरूका बारेमा प्रशिक्षित
गराउने अभियान सञ्चालित भएको थियो। द्वन्द्वरत पक्षहरूबाट भएका सबैखाले मानव
अधिकार उल्लङ्घन र ज्यादतीका घटनाहरूलाई अभिलेखीकरण र प्रकाशनका मार्फतबाट
जवाफदेही बनाउन इन्सेकले ग्रामीण बस्तीहरूमा शान्ति अभियान सञ्चालन गर्यो।
इन्सेकले तत्कालीन विद्रोही पक्ष नेकपा माओवादी पनि जेनेभा
महासन्धिको पालनाका लागि जिम्मेवार हुनु पर्ने र राज्यले पनि उसलाई त्यसैअनुरूप
व्यवहार गर्नुपर्ने भनेर पटक पटक खबरदारी गरेको थियो। यसै आधारमा त्यसकालमा
माओवादीबाट अपहरित कयौँ नागरिकहरूलाई आफ्नो उपस्थितिमा मुक्त गराउने र जीवन
रक्षाका लागि अधिकतम पहल गर्ने काम गरेको थियो। कम्तीमा १ सय २५ भन्दा बढी सुरक्षाकर्मी
र कर्मचारीलाई नेकपा माओवादीले इन्सेकको रोहबरमा मुक्त गरेको अभिलेख इन्सेकले
गरेको छ। गैर कानुनी तवरबाट थुनामा राखिएका हजारौँ
नागरिक इन्सेकको उपस्थितिमा रिहा भएको अभिलेख इन्सेकलगायत विभिन्न प्रकाशनमा
उपलब्ध छन्।
इन्सेकले विस्थापित भएकाहरूलाई घर फर्काउने काम गरेको थियो।
द्वन्द्व र द्वन्द्वउप्रान्त विभिन्न जिल्लाबाट विस्थापित भई देशका विभिन्न
क्षेत्रमा छरिएर रहेका ९ सय ८१ घरपरिवारका ५ हजार ९ सय ९१ विस्थापितहरूलाई
इन्सेकको पहलमा आफ्नै घर फर्काउन सफल भयो। इन्सेकले विभिन्न साझेदारसँगको
साझेदारीमा १ सय ७२ घरपरिवारका १ हजार ३७ जनालाई आयआर्जनका लागि सहयोग प्रदान
गरेको थियो।
सात राजनीतिक दल र नेकपा माओवादीबीच २०६२ मङ्सिर ७ गते सम्पन्न
भएको १२ बुँदे सहमति र २०६२/०६३ को जनआन्दोलनको दौरान इन्सेकले महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका
निर्वाह गरेको थियो। मुलुकभर जनआन्दोलनको अनुगमन गर्ने, घाइते तथा गिरफ्तार
गरिएको नागरिकहरूको अभिलेख तयार गर्ने, जनआन्दोलनका घाइतेहरूको उद्धार कार्य
गर्दै दैनिक प्रतिवेदन सार्वजनिक गर्ने काम गरेको थियो। इन्सेकले सशस्त्र द्वन्दको
अन्त्य पश्चात शान्ति प्रक्रियाको निष्कर्ष प्राप्त गर्न द्वन्दका पीडितको न्याय र
परिपूरणको आवाज टड्कारो रूपमा उठाइरहेको छ।
द्वन्द्वकालीन गम्भीर अपराधमा क्षमादान दिन र द्वन्द्वकालीन
मुद्दामा जबरजस्ती मेलमिलाप लाद्न नहुने तथा गम्भीर मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घनका
दोषीहरूलाई आममाफी दिने गरी मेलमिलापको कार्य माध्यमका रूपमा प्रयोग हुन नसक्ने
भन्दै मानव अधिकार उल्लङ्घनकर्तालाई कारबाहीको सुनिश्चितता हुने कानुन बनाउन इन्सेकले निरन्तर खवरदारी गर्दै आएकोछ। बेपत्ता पारिएका
व्यक्ति छानबिन र सत्य निरूपण तथा मेलमिलाप आयोग ऐन, २०७१ को संशोधन गर्नुपर्ने आवश्यकताका
बारेमा इन्सेकले पीडित र नागरिक संस्थासँगको सहकार्यमा निरन्तर निगरानी र पैरवी
गर्दै आएको छ।
इन्सेकले सन् २०१९ को मार्च महिनामा नेपालमा बलपूर्वक बेपत्ता
बनाउने काम र त्यसमा गरिएको दण्डहीनताको प्रयास बारेमा अन्तर्रास्ट्रिय सम्मेलन
गर्दै द्वन्द्वको मुद्दालाई यथोचित सम्बोधन गर्न राज्यलाई दवाब सृजना गर्ने कार्य
गरेको छ। इन्सेकले प्रकाशन गरेको द्वन्द्व पीडित पाश्र्वचित्रमार्फत गरेको अभिलेख
नेपालमा द्वन्द्वपीडितको न्यायका लागि पैरवी गर्न महत्वपूर्ण प्रकाशन बनेको छ
जसलाई संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घले प्रकाशन गरेको नेपाल द्वन्द्व प्रतिवेदनमा समेटिएको
छ। इन्सेकले गरेको मानव अधिकार अनुगमन र अभिलेखको कार्यक्रमले नेपालको
शान्ति प्रक्रिया र द्वन्द्व रुपान्तरणमा योगदान गरेकोछ।
(छ) मानव अधिकार समुदायसँगको सहकार्य
इन्सेकले आफ्ना कार्यक्रम र अभियानका लागि नेपालभित्र र बाहिर
रहेका मानव अधिकार समुदायसँग सहकार्य गर्दै आएको छ। संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घको मानव
अधिकारसम्बन्धी कार्यक्रम, प्रतिनिधि र कार्यालयसँग विश्वव्यापी आवधिक समीक्षा र सन्धिजनित
मानव अधिकार प्रतिवेदन र सरोकारमा इन्सेकले निरन्तर सहकार्य गर्दै आएको छ। मानव
अधिकार सन्धि अनुगमन समन्वय केन्द्रको सचिवालयको रूपमा इन्सेकले नेपाल पक्ष
राष्ट्र भएका सम्पूर्ण अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय महासन्धि तथा अनुबन्धहरूमा नागरिक
संस्थाहरूको तर्फबाट छायाँ प्रतिवेदन प्रस्तुत गर्ने गर्दै आएको छ। त्यसैगरी
संयुक्त राष्ट्रसङ्घ मानव अधिकार परिषद्मा नेपालका नागरिक संस्थाहरूको सहकार्य
(एनजीओ कोलिशन फर यूपीआर) को तर्फबाट इन्सेकले नेतृत्व गर्दै विश्वव्यापी आवधिक
समीक्षा (यूपीआर)अन्तर्गत तेश्रो छायाँ प्रतिवेदन प्रस्तुत गरिएको छ।
इन्सेकले नेपालमा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय फौजदारी अदालतको (रोम विधान)
अनुमोदनका लागि नागरिक संस्थाहरूको सञ्जालको नेतृत्व गर्दै आएकोछ। नागरिक संस्थाहरूको
संयुक्त पहलकदमीको परिणाम स्वरूप पुनस्र्थापित प्रतिनिधिसभाले २०६३ साउन ९ गते
नेपाल सरकारलाई अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय फौजदारी अदालतको (रोम विधान) अनुमोदन गर्न
निर्देशनात्मक आदेश जारी गर्दै सर्वसम्मत रूपमा सङ्कल्प प्रस्ताव पारित गरेको
थियो। मानव अधिकारको विश्वव्यापी आवधिक समीक्षाका समयमा पटकपटक नेपालका नागरिक
संस्थाका तर्फ बाट उठाइएको सरोकारलाई अन्तराष्ट्रिय समुदायले रोम विधान पारित गर्न
सुझावहरू प्रदान गरेको तथ्य स्मरणीय छ।
इन्सेकले नेपालमा राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकार आयोग स्थापनाका लागि
नागरिक संस्थाहरूको तर्फबाट संयुक्त सङ्घर्ष तथा पैरवी गरेको थियो। राष्ट्रिय मानव
अधिकार आयोगलाई पेरिस सिद्धान्त अनुरूप स्वायत्त, स्वतन्त्र र पारदर्शी बनाउन निरन्तर
पैरवी गर्नुपर्ने आजको दायित्व सम्पूर्ण मानव अधिकार समुदायको रहन्छ। इन्सेकले
फोरम एशियासँगको सहकार्यमा राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकार संस्थाको कार्यक्रम र प्रभाव
अनुगमन तथा मानव अधिकार रक्षकको अवस्थाका बारेमा कार्यक्रम गर्दै आएको छ। आयोगको
आवश्यकता बारेमा आन्दोलन, सार्वजनिक बहस तथा पैरवीमा इन्सेकको संलग्नता अटुट देखिन्छ।
इन्सेकले नेपालमा मानव अधिकार शिक्षाका लागि औपचारिक र अनौपचारिक
तवरबाट प्रयत्न गर्दै आएको छ। स्थापनाकालदेखि नै मजदुर तथा पछाडी परेको समुदायको
सचेतना र अधिकार प्राप्तिको लागि मानव अधिकार शिक्षाको अभियान सञ्चालन गरेको
इन्सेकले हालका दिनसम्म जिम्मेवार निकायलाई जबाफदेही बनाउन मानव अधिकार शिक्षाको
कार्यक्रम सञ्चालन गर्दै आएको छ। इन्सेकले मानव अधिकार चेतना समुदाय स्तरसम्म
फैलाउन मानव अधिकार रेडियो कार्यक्रम र रेडियो श्रोता क्लब निर्माण तथा
परिचालनमार्फत गरेको काम सचेतना अभियानकै अभिन्न अङ्गको रूपमा रहन्छ। रेडियो
स्रोता क्लबका मध्यमबाट देशका ७४ जिल्लाका १ हजार ३ सय ९३ स्थानीय क्लबहरू आबद्ध
भई मानव अधिकारको संरक्षण र सम्वर्धनका लागि क्रियाशील रहेका थिए। राष्ट्रिय समिति, जिल्ला शाखा, क्लबहरूमा गरी लगभग
२० हजार युवाहरू आबद्ध रहेका थिए। यस अभियानले हजारौँको सङ्ख्यामा युवालाई मानव
अधिकारको आधारभूत तालिम प्रदान गरी स्थानीयस्तरमा दक्ष मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ताको
रूपमा स्थापित गरेको छ।
नेपालमा क्रियाशील नागरिक संस्थाहरूका सञ्जाल र अभियानमा इन्सेकले
नेतृत्वदायी भूमिका खेल्दै आएको छ। दक्षिण एशियास्तरको मानव अधिकार संरचना निर्माण
गर्न इन्सेकले क्षेत्रीय स्तरमा मानव अधिकार संस्थाहरूको तर्फबाट पैरवी कार्यको
नेतृत्व गर्दै आएको छ।
निष्कर्ष
नेपालको मानव अधिकार आन्दोलन र नागरिक सहभागिता तथा सामाजिक
संस्थाहरूको कामको क्षेत्रमा इन्सेक एक अग्रणी संस्थाकोरूपमा रहेको छ। २०४६ सालको
जनआन्दोलन पश्चात प्रजातान्त्रको आधारस्तम्भको रूपमा मानव अधिकार संरक्षण, सम्वर्धन तथा
परिपालना तथा जनउत्तरदायी र पारदर्शी शासन व्यवस्थाको पक्षमा इन्सेक पैरवीको
अभियान बनेको छ। नागरिक अधिकार तथा स्वतन्त्रताको लागि विधिको शासन, लोकतन्त्र, मानव अधिकार मैत्री
कानुन तथा नीति निर्माण र कार्यान्वयनमा इन्सेक इन्सेकले जबाफदेहिताको प्रश्न
निभ्न दिनु हुँदैन।
सङ्क्रमणकालीन न्यायको प्रक्रियालाई निष्कर्षमा पुर्याउने, सत्य स्थापना, न्याय तथा
परिपूरणको व्यवस्था र संरचना तथा नीतिगत सुधारका लागि इन्सेकजस्ता मानव अधिकार
संस्थाहरूको संस्थागत सुदृढिकरण आजको आवश्यकता हो। अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय अभ्यास र साधन
स्रोतको परिचालनका लागि इन्सेकले आफ्ना अभियानहरूलाई विस्तार गर्दै लैजानुपर्ने
देखिन्छ। नेपालको मानव अधिकार अभियानले दक्षिण एशिया क्षेत्रमा मानव अधिकार
संयन्त्र स्थापनाका लागि नेतृत्व गर्नु पर्नेछ। महिला तथा बालबालिकामाथि हुने
गरेका अपराधको दर दिनप्रतिदिन बढेका प्रतिनिधि घटनाहरूमा राजनीतिक र संरचनागत
संरक्षण कायम रहेको र पीडितले न्याय प्राप्त गर्ने दरमा कमी र समय लामो भएको यस
सन्दर्भमा इन्सेकले इतिहासको महिमाबाट प्रेरित हुने र सिर्जनात्मक अभियान सञ्चालन
गर्नु पर्ने देखिन्छ।
(श्रेष्ठ इन्सेककी अध्यक्ष हुनुहुन्छ । यो लेख प्राचीको १ सय
अङ्कबाट साभार गरिएको हो ।)
स्रोतः
https://inseconline.org/np/forum/
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