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Naming of province a great challenge

 Naming of province a great challenge

Published On:  March 4, 2018 07:30 AM NPT

By: SANTOSH POKHAREL AND BISHAN KSHETRI

Experts suggest avoiding ethnic influence over choice

POKHARA, Mar 4:  A few days ago, Province 4 speaker Netra Nath Adhikari informed during a formal program in Parbat that the next provincial assembly meeting would be focused on picking the name of the province and fixing its capital. Even though he talked for over an hour on this topic, he did not cite any possible names though. 

Among the seven provinces in the country, only Province 6 has got its name so far. Though others have appreciated the smartness of the province for quickly deciding an ‘appropriate’ name - Karnali, they have not been able to come up with such an undisputable name for their provinces. Drawing consent from every quarter and finalizing such a name has actually been a challenge for the rest of the provinces. Adhikari indirectly indicated during his speech that ‘picking the name is really a difficult job’.

He said that the matter has indeed been under frequent discussion in the province. But none of the provincial assembly members have been vocal about it. The provincial assembly meeting as mentioned by Adhikari is set for Monday. And it is quite unlikely that the members would reach to any consensus on this issue during the upcoming meeting. Even the members admit to this. 

The name ‘Karnali’ for Province 6 was well accepted both by the ruling and the opposition parties. This kind of ‘safe landing’ over the issue has set a precedent for others too, political analysts say. 

According to Kapil Mani Dahal, professor of political science, provincial assembly members should show their wisdom in narrowing down their differences and reaching consensus over such issues by being flexible. “If anyone pushes for the name on the basis of ethnicity, it would be unfortunate as it will trigger further and perhaps never-ending debate,” he noted. 

So, what everyone must strive for is peace and consensus, he stressed. The name which can be owned by one and all should be chosen. For instance, Karnali was indeed a brilliant choice. 

Dahal stated that avoiding name over caste or community is important for unity and harmony in any given area. Caste-based politics cannot be strong. And if caste-based politics happen to take over, then the real political agenda simply become weaker, he said. 

“And now, I believe that this thing has already been understood by the leaders. They will avoid influence of caste while naming the provinces,” he said.
Dahal further said that a party cannot be led by caste or community. Instead, castes or communities have to be led by political parties. “It would be no exaggeration to say that Province 6 has set an example for all other provinces. How well they settled the name,” he said. 

According to Dahal, identity-based politics took the country in its grip once. But, fortunately, later that simply simmered down over the course of time. People realized that there are other important matters. 

“Gurungs raised voice for Tamuwan province once. Even now, there is a section of people who are still voicing for it. But there are other people who are more interested in avoiding conflicts. They will settle down for the name which will help maintain peace and harmony intact in their province,” said Dahal. 

“In fact, the caste-based names were not the demand of people in the first hand. They only wanted development and many other basic rights and facilities ensured. It was the leaders and parties who wanted to take advantage from the name of castes and communities who raised such issue,” he added. 

While provincial assembly members have opted to keep mum over the matter so far, people have however taken keen interest over the matter which is reflected in social media. While some are firmly for caste or community-based name for the province, some others have called for flexibility over the matter. Some of the names under discussions are Gandak, Gorkha, Dhaulagiri, Tamuwan - Magarat, Maachhapuchre and Annapurna, among others. 

According to another political analyst Surendra Thapa Magar, Gandaki would be the best option. “Gandaki comes from Kaligandaki or Setigandaki rivers. This might not bring dispute. We can pick name from similar other resources we have,” he commented. He added that Nepal must take India’s example in consideration. “If we fail to realize what caste-based politics has done to India, we will be regretting it tomorrow,” he added.

 

How a State relates to a Nation and to a territory

 How a State relates to a Nation and to a territory according to the phenomenological investigation of Edith Stein 

State in Edith Stein’s An Investigation Concerning the state, is equivalent to sovereignty. Its chief characteristic is that it can legislate for itself. It occurs when a certain level of social organisation has been reached either by diverse persons and communities or actual or emerging ethnic communities. Stein uses the word Volk which can mean “people” or “ethnic community” or even “nation”, yet the translator Marianne Sawicki notes that Stein reserves a special meaning for the German term used to describe nation. A people develops ethnically when it possesses its own distinctive culture, that culture being an ability to reflect the whole world in its own terms and through its own self-standing. Stein finds in this cultural autonomy a highlighting of the connection between state and its people who being creative and distinct in that creativity requires a form of organisation that will legislate their own lawfulness. State, in return, requires that creativity to direct its organisational activity and to inform the content of such. Cultural autonomy then seems to be a material basis towards the right to self-legislation. Nationhood arises from the people after maturity has been reached. It occurs when the people begin to celebrate their collective life. Stein uses the term Gemeinschafts-bewuβtsein to mean consciousness of community i.e. consciousness whose object is community as distinct from the term Gemeinschaftbewuβtsein to mean community consciousness. The term “consciousness of community” is used in Stein’s description of  nation. It denotes a “we” that acts and to whom things happen, where we see each other in terms of a collectivity. This “we-ness” is presupposed by state and is the basis for the state’s history as a shared history. The consciousness of community which is proper to the people is raised to reflective clarity in nation becoming an image of nation’s uniqueness. However in the people this uniqueness is not thought out but presupposed in its actions and life accomplishments. Therefore, Stein states, nation can only come from peoples and peoples tend to develop into nation.  State does not depend on there being nation, yet for the sake of the resilience of the people, it is in the interest of state that national sentiment should reach a certain level. This is specified in terms the desirability of a breakout of national sentiment should the open display of peoplehood be thwarted.  

The relationship of state to nation can further be understood from Stein’s criticism of Rudolf Kjellén who held that nation receives its mental content from the coalescence of state and that state then demands completion from the essence of nation. The common denominator between state and nation is the people. As state is the expression of a people’s cultural autonomy and its will for self-legislation by which it is sovereign, the people does not need to be completed. Kjellén characterises this process in terms of an analogy between ‘mind’ and ‘nature’, but Stein points out, after mentioning his lack of specification for these terms, that all community is a mental activity and that while a people has its natural basis, state does too. The inference is that the analogy between ‘mind’ and ‘nature’ lacks a basis in the actual relationship between state and nation. To conclude otherwise would be to make state in some way dependent on nation. In nation, aspects of national life are celebrated e.g. its poetry or music. A state which is bound together merely by loyalty, ties of duty and observance of the law, cannot attain to that existential authenticity that state arising out of ethnic community possesses. Kelljén has made nations equivalent to individuals bound by the aforementioned conditions of loyalty and duty to the laws. In criticising this view, Stein writes that in such a case, ethnic community would be the product of the solidarity of the laws and duties of the state and would also presuppose the state which is not true in the light of what she has elucidated concerning ethnic community. Such a state would feel hollow and ephemeral without any centre of gravity. To celebrate something is to place a value on it. In a people, individual and super-individual, unity “is attested in the uniqueness of his or her attitude towards the whole world of values, and it comes out in the coherence of all his or her works”.[1] State, however, is value-neutral. Stein writes that “As a state, the reign of Satan can be just as perfect as the reign of God”.[2] The state is not bound by any moral code. Yet, in her criticism of Kelljén, she asks should a certain type of reasonableness be ascribed to the state? Values are the prerogatives of human beings and by extension of nation whereas state is astate of affairs or a stance. 

Nation doesn’t need state to exist; a greater factor seems to be the time needed for the maturation process of the people to take place. Yet this begs the question where state is presiding over an immature people consisting of non-ethnic persons and communities, to what extent would such a state of affairs arise from the will of the people? It is difficult not to see in such circumstances and

also in circumstances such as settlements between warring factions after civil war, that  large proportions of the people do not get to express their will but suffer imposition. There is a

tendency in Stein to present the people in a uniform and homogenous manner, while it may

instead be the will of the majority or the will of the stronger. National sentiment can fluctuate

and Stein has remarked that the uniqueness pertaining to nation needs cultivation.

Cultivation implies some trends are encouraged while other trends are not. It has been seen

that the State, as expressive of the will of the people, can legislate against what are perceived

of as undesirable trends.

Territory, according to Stein, is a consequence of the bodily configuration or corporeality of the people belonging to it. Initially, she analyses the issue with regard to corporeality and space. The translator Marianne Sawicki notes that the word ‘Raum’, does not signify outer space but pertains to the physical world. In this regard, Stein contrasts physical and mental territory taking mind as that which has no extension in space. Perhaps it may be said that Stein may be writing about an angelic mode of existence. However, the principle remains true that such a state, composed entirely of mental persons, is conceivable. It is pertinent to the issue she has sought to examine namely in relation to Jellinek’s contention that a “portion of the surface of the earth” is a constitutive factor of State. Such a community of minds that Stein posits would be free from dependence on space in principle. Sawicki calls this a thought experiment, however Stein concludes on the basis of the fact that such a state can be conceived without logical contradiction, it follows that territory is not part of the essence of what we mean by State. Rather, she goes on to argue that, due to the bodily configuration of its people, state needs a sovereign territory in order “to secure for itself the free disposition of the mode of life of its citizens”, due to the fact that bodily existence implies space. Without such a sovereign territory a risk would exist as to whether the state as such could avoid falling into dependency on another state or not. Using the example of highly organised nomadic groups, Stein argues that the sovereign territory of a state does not always need to be formed by the same territory. Thus a sovereign territory could be comprised by a portion of the surface of the earth that is liable to change. A nomadic tribe can be recognised as a state if there is sufficient, unclaimed space available to them. The danger here is that the nomadic group, without available space, would become dependent on the state whose sovereign territory they occupied. Stein also cites the example of a people organised into a state stamped by the land. On leaving the initial territory and resettling elsewhere, she writes the concrete pattern of the state can change so much that a new state arises. She adds the caveat that this phenomenon does not disprove that a state is bound up with a territory because she is talking about specific state patterns. Stein does concede however, that there are modes of dependence between the two that as possibilities. She admits that state and territory can be linked but that linkage is to be understood in terms of the individual’s physical being, thus it is on that basis that she proceeds. That underlying principle receives its pert formulation in “The state needs the land inasmuch as the citizens need it”. Demand is related to people’s needs in terms of what demands are going to be placed on the territory of the state. Stein illustrates this principle by means of the idea of phantom beings who would need only space and light for the actuality of their visual appearances. In contradistinction to these beings who don’t rely on any material component for their unfolding, there are human beings who are in need of material quality. This material quality is to be found in the sovereign territory. Stein understands this aspect purely in terms of bodily reality. She defines economy according to its original sense when writes “economy is the organisation of the satisfaction of needs”. The land must contain such materials in sufficient quantities to the individuals who require them or materials whose conversion can satisfy that demand. The definition of economy she argues for shows the reciprocal relationship between the citizens and the land. As this fundamental relationship between the citizenry and the land obtains according to this sense of economy, Stein enumerates three possibilities that may come into action in the event of the raw materials of a land not proving sufficient for the needs of its citizens. The first possibility pertains to the finding of means to process the raw materials into consumable ones. This normally means development of an aspect of technology perhaps coupled with impetus from business and commerce. An example of such an occurrence would be the harvesting of a state-owned forest to provide for more material benefits. The second possibility is concerned with the acquisition of new territory in response to any material deficit pertaining to the land. Sawicki describes this process in terms of colonisation and annexation. The third possibility is that the required materials can be obtained from the sovereign territory of another state, yet she immediately points out that this can run the risk of dependency on the other state unless a commercial two-way factor is in play. Stein argues that there are no other alternatives hence this is the constraint that the land puts on those who live on it. Stein describes the quality of the land as “the motivational basis for the direction taken by the activity of all those who inhabit it”. The course of action chosen ultimately depends on the dispositions of the human beings who inhabit it. Conquest reflects the path taken by those who possess physical power. Intelligence and industry opts, according to Stein, for “a rational evaluation of the products of the land”, while flexibility and mental sharpness will lead to commerce. Initially, these dispositions are linked to geographical factors belonging to a territory but Stein notes that natural foundations can be completely identical, in which case personal disposition per se becomes the critical factor in determining which course of action will arise. In other words the question as to whether this disposition still depends on the nature of the land is left open. She notes that it would no longer be in the form of motivation but would be viewed from the view-point of causality. In this regard, Stein posits it as conceivable that an element or elements of material nature, obtained from local nature and being constitutive of one’s body, should exhibit an influence on one’s sentient being. Thus, in this sense, character could be said to be a product of nature. However, the psycho-physical aspects and implications of this issue cannot be expounded in the present work. Marianne Sawicki, the translator, sees in Stein’s refusal to cite any references to earlier work she had done on the subject, an indication that she intended to do further work on the issues. Stein also point to the fact of mental influence of nature upon a person, such as the influence on one’s temperament of the character of the countryside. This effect, however, is indeterminate due to the fact that the countryside may be such as it necessitates the highest activeness. This is coupled with the recognition that the very same countryside could possibly paralyse its inhabitant thus affording them no opportunity to organise themselves and leaving them prey to conquerors.

 

Stein argues cogently as to why the land or sovereign territory cannot be the natural basis of the state. Her reasoning is due to the fact that the many human activities that take place on the land in order to produce or process raw materials submits the land to human influence, and so, can profoundly change it. She gives examples of such processes in irrigation and planting. It follows then, strictly speaking, that geography, whose subject matter is the earth’s surface, is not unqualifiedly a natural science. This is due to the fact that many lands of the earth, due to human cultivation, can no longer be viewed as natural per se. In this regard, the earth bears all the traces and marks of what has transpired upon it in terms of human history. Thus the appeal to sovereign territory, as a natural basis for the state is one that is without foundation upon analysis. Referring to the possibility of studying phenomena such as land and population in a natural-scientific manner, Stein concedes that both are mixed with nature on the one hand and mind on the other. She points to the natural-scientific method of extracting nature from the matter under investigation. Sawicki elaborates on this by pointing out the cultural and psychological influences that determines the phenomenon of nature, and without which, nature can’t be found. The possibility of a natural-scientific investigation into this question of nature depends very much on such an abstractive process. Again this mix or close relation between territory and population is demonstrated by what Stein writes about the economic situation as it pertains to a state. The state can be “an economic subject”, in that it can be a decision-maker and a participator in business activities. Alternatively, it can leave such pursuits in the hands of individuals and private groups. As an economic subject the state makes its own of the territory. The reciprocal nature of the relationship between territory and population is given when she notes different territories lend different characters to the people occupying them in the same manner the landscape itself undergoes such changes when peoples and state formations become detached from it. Such alteration may be said to be a direct function and also by-product of the economy of the state. If the state refrains from becoming an economic subject, Stein argues that it may still retain the prerogative of regulating economic activity which pertains to legality and the enjoining of certain practices and the forbidding of others in law.

 

Towards the end of the section on state and land, Stein considers the issues relating to the demarcation of a state’s sovereign territory. She recognises geographic unity in two senses. The first relates to a geographical area which is capable of satisfying the population’s needs, hence this type of unity is not to be considered independently from human activity. However, in the second, there is no reference to human activity and the unity of the land is comprised by its mere shape. In a further sense such a piece of land can be called a geographic individuality. Geographical unity in the sense Stein alludes to comes from the writings of Karl Ritter who pioneered the view that the earth was to be seen as one, individual organism with a particular organisation the study of which was to be the object of geography. He also held the view that the structure of each country determined to a large extent, the historical progress of the nation. Stein writes that if such geographical unity or individuality is intersected by the borders of states, both parties will demand that the natural unity be restored or that a legal unity should take effect. This is different from the situation where the determining factor in the demarcation of the territory is the provision of materials for the needs of the inhabiting population. In the situation, the state acts from a condition of pre-existing harmony. If the territory is inadequate to the extent of needs, Stein argues, failing the possibility of converting and exploiting the available materials, then expansion is necessary in order to avoid becoming dependent upon another state. The natural or legal unity desired is may be different to the unity derived from the ability to provide for the population’s needs. Even if geographic unity is taken without reference to human activity upon it and merely viewed from the point of view of its shape, this can be a factor in the demarcation of a state’s territory. Should the unity be cut through, it would prove the relation between people and territory in that a state can be comprised of many geographic units and can, encompass many peoples. However, owing to the fact that the people are the natural basis for a state, should a state cut through the unity of a people, in a manner analogous to dividing up the countryside, such a state can create an irrendenta. An irrendenta is defined as ‘unredeemed’ from the point of view of a state who wishes to annex a territory on ethnic community grounds. A state which creates these conditions poses a risk to itself. Stein sees in this a renunciation of the state’s natural basis. This relationship between sovereign territory and the people is expanded on in Stein’s brief discussion of race. She points to the influence the land exerts on individuals with gives rise to a physical type which she designates as race. The size of the geographical unity determines whether such physical types will develop into a people, or several peoples, whereas a smaller geographical unit may one support tribes. Tribes, however, if they blend into each other can become a people. Therefore, the size of the geographical unit is important but from the point of view of forming a people, the community involved must be capable of reflecting the world of values from its own self-standing. In other words, it must be a cultural personality in its own right. Stein acknowledges the type of geographical space that can support several peoples and that the unity that pertains to these peoples can fall under the concept of race. The unity in this case, is given by type. This can give rise to a mental or cultural community. Sawicki notes that the cultural sphere is the medium through which inter-racial sharing can take place. This sphere can extend beyond the country of racial origin and even beyond members of a race themselves.

 

Nation and state differ in form in that one is a way of viewing, a perception of a people of themselves and the conditions and activities belonging to them whereas state is an activity of legislating for its own lawfulness. They differ also in content where state is comprised of civil authority and positive law whereas nation is comprised of consciousness of community and values. It is chiefly with regard to context that the optimal relationship between nation and state occurs when they both co-exist and the bond between people and state is mediated through nation. The cultural aspect within nationhood makes us more positively disposed towards the state. Thus the relationship between state and nation is not necessary but typical. Nor is the state dependent on its sovereign territory in that the eidos of state can allow for a non-terrestrial state, thus sovereign territory is not essential to that eidos. A state’s jurisdiction extends to each and every one of its borders but borders are never fixed, they are always susceptible to change while a state founds itself in law. The relationship between state and territory transpires more in the relationship of state to people as people, not as state or nation. The incidence of state with sovereign territory is frequent however. Furthermore, the relationship between state and territory can be potentially fractious as is evidenced by Stein’s positing of the option of territorial expansion in order to meet the needs of the state’s population. Ominously this has undertones of the infamous argument for Lebensraum made during World War Two when Germany looked to Russia as a suitable geographical area to pursue the satisfaction of this perceived national need. Sawicki rightly points out that Stein does not consider the Malthusian option. She doesn’t consider mass emigration as solution either. Thus the possibility remains constant that a state, in its quest for additional raw materials to satisfy its populace, can constitute a danger to other states.

 

Bibliography

Stein, Edith, An Investigation Concerning the State, trans. by Marianne Sawicki (ed.) (Washington Province of Recalced Carmelites Inc.: 2006)

 

 



[1] Stein, Edith, An Investigation Concerning the State, trans. by Marianne Sawicki (ed.) (Washington Province of Discalced Carmelites, Inc.: 2006) p.30

 

[2] ibid p.100

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